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OVERVIEW OF FAMILY VIOLENCE

CONTENTS
1. Introduction
2. What Do We Mean By Family Violence?
3. How Common Is Violence In The Family?
4. Familial Homicide
5. Criminal Harassment (Stalking)
6. Effects Of Family Violence
7. Is All Family Violence Criminal Behavior?
8. Application Of Civil And Legal Remedies
9. What Services Are Available In BC?
10. References
11. Resources

HOW COMMON IS VIOLENCE IN THE FAMILY?

When considering statistics about family violence, it is important to be aware that figures tend to underestimate reality. Though statistics compiled from both criminal justice system records and public research surveys capture many such experiences, most individuals who work in the field of family violence agree that these figures do not reflect true incidence rates. There are a number of reasons why underreporting of abuse continues to be a significant obstacle to understanding the full extent of this social problem. People who have been abused, particularly by those close to them, may fear that reporting abuse might further threaten their well-being, or that taking action will have no positive effect. Power inequity within the relationship, lack of access to assistance and feelings of shame are other common reasons why conditions of abuse might not come to the attention of the authorities.

Partner Assault

International statistics show that assault of female partners is a worldwide problem. For example, a national survey done in the U.S. revealed that the proportion of women having experienced violence at the hands of a partner was 25% (the NVAW, Statistics Canada, 2000). Surveys done in various developing countries reported the percentage of women experiencing violence in their current relationship as being somewhere between 16% and 67% (Statistics Canada, 1997). However, most international studies have thus far only collected data on women victims of partner assault, thus data which would allow comparison of rates of victimization by gender are largely unavailable at present.

Partner Assault in Canada

In July of 2000, Statistics Canada released findings from the 1999 General Social Survey on Victimization in their annual report on family violence. The GSS was a large-scale telephone survey in which 26,000 male and female French and English speaking individuals over the age of 15 were asked about the occurrence of violence in intimate relationships both during the last year, and the preceding five years. Questions relating to partner violence were posed in two modules - one for a selection of physically violent acts, and one for a selection of emotionally abusive acts. The results of this survey suggest that over the last five years, 8% of women (equivalent to 690,000 Canadian women) and 7% of men (equivalent to 549,000 Canadian men) reported experiencing at least one incident of violence.

The consequences and nature of the violence differed markedly by gender, however. In this study, women reported being the victim of more severe and frequent acts of violence than men, and reported more negative emotional consequences and greater physical injury. The design of the GSS, it should be cautioned, has limitations which potentially reduce the validity of its findings. Unfortunately, in selecting samples of Canadians who own telephones and were willing to discuss the sensitive subject of violence in their intimate relationships, the surveyors neglected to account for violence experienced by women and men in transition, individuals without a telephone, and those unwilling or unable to discuss the subject with a stranger (Jiwani, 2000). Such an omission might have resulted in a significant underestimation of the true prevalence of violence in Canadian families.

In a study of 700 Albertan men and women in partnerships, males and females, respectively, reported similar one-year prevalence rates of husband-to-wife violence (12.9% and 9.6%) and wife-to-husband violence (12.3% and 12.5%). The acts of violence reported in this study were described as "bidirectional, minor, infrequent, and not physically injurious" (Kwong, et al, 1999).

The 1993 Violence Against Women Survey (VAWS) showed 29% of women ever married by law or common-law experiencing spousal assault (Statistics Canada, 1994), over half of which qualified as "serious". VAWS indicated that the overall rate of Canadian women assaulted by a spouse in the previous year was 3%, but that rate varied considerably among different age groups.

According to police statistics, male-on-female spousal assault occurs much more frequently than female-on-male spousal assault. In 1997, a sample of 179 police departments reporting from six provinces across Canada revealed that 12% of spousal assault victims were male victims of female violence. During that same year, spousal assault accounted for 4% of all reported violence against males.

Police-reported incidents of spousal assault dropped 9% from 1993 to 1996, then rose by 3% in 1997. However, during this period, different patterns for male and female victims emerged. Between 1993 and 1997, the number of female victims dropped by 8% but the number of male victims rose by 18%. The ratio of male to female victims was 1:8 in 1997 (Statistics Canada, 1999).

In British Columbia, violence against women is a significant problem. VAWS revealed a higher proportion of married or previously married women had experienced wife assault at some point than had been reported in other provinces in Canada (1993). Thirty-six percent of BC women claimed to have been assaulted by an intimate partner at least once since the age of 16.

Reported spousal assaults increased from 1992 to 1994, then leveled off and remained the same through 1996 (Police Services Division, 1997), when 9,600 incidences of spousal assault were reported to police agencies in BC. This figure may not accurately reflect the true rate of occurrence of partner violence, however, as it is possible that two or more separate incidents of abuse were reported to the police by one person. Of these 9,600 cases of spousal assault, 82% were committed by a male offender, 10% were perpetrated by a female offender and 8% involved mutual spousal assault. In 1996, spousal assaults accounted for 43% of all reported sexual assaults.

Approximately half of all spousal assault victims suffer injury, and women account for 88% of those reported injuries. Where injury occurred, it was most often inflicted by physical force. Where injury resulted from weapon use, men were injured 12% of the time, women 5% (Statistics Canada, 1999). Men are more likely than women to use physical force against a partner, while women are more likely to use a weapon, possibly in an attempt to offset differences in strength. Weapon use in spousal homicide presents a different picture, however: firearms are used more often by men to kill their wives; knives and sharp instruments are relied on more by females to kill their husbands (see "Partner Abuse and Homicide" later in this document).

In 1997, charges were laid in 83% of reported cases of spousal violence. In 12% of cases, police did not lay charges at the request of the victim (Statistics Canada, 1999). In BC, however, policy dictates that police lay charges whenever there is sufficient evidence, whether or not the victim consents.

"Husband" versus "Wife" Assault

The recent increase in reports of violence against males by female partners is considered by some to be evidence of a hidden social problem (e.g., Steinmetz & Lucca, 1988; Straus, 1993; Cook, 1997). Abuse of male partners may be less likely to come to the attention of the authorities in part due to embarrassment over having been attacked by a female partner. Thus, police reports would be expected to underestimate the extent of male abuse and bi-directionally violent relationships. Some researchers suggest that telephone and other community surveys provide more accurate approximations of the true number of victims of family violence than do crime reports and shelter surveys. In many community surveys, men report experiencing a greater number of violent acts perpetrated by a female partner than do their wives.

Criticism of many of these studies' measurement questionnaire, the Conflict Tactics Scale (CTS), has been vociferous, however, particularly from the many individuals who work in social service, legal and health care fields who observe many more abused women than men present for assistance. The CTS, as its name implies, aims to measure the degree of conflict experienced in a relationship, determining the presence and degree of both verbal and physical aggression.

Among the perceived flaws of this questionnaire are its normalization of conflict, underreporting by males of violent acts committed, memory errors or bias and the inability to detect coercive dynamics of abuse which do not result in physical threat (Health Canada, 1999). Additionally, the CTS fails to explain the context in which violent acts occur, and as a result, circumstances which preceded and followed the "conflict" are not divulged, nor is the motivation for violent behavior assessed. Acts committed in self-defense and those intended to punish, coerce or otherwise harm are therefore not distinguished. Finally, the CTS does not account for spousal harassment (stalking behavior) in present or past intimate relationships, and pays only modest attention to sexual abuse in its revised format.

In an overview of husband abuse, the National Clearinghouse on Family Violence (Health Canada, 1999) distinguish between inter-spousal violent acts and partner abuse (a pattern of control of power in the relationship effected through psychologically, sexually, and/or financially abusive behavior). They suggest that comparisons of rates of partner violence and abuse committed on males and females must be mindful of three questions: one pertaining to incidence of occurrence (in this case, how many men are abused by women partners); whether male victims suffer similar physical and psychological effects of abuse or violence, and the contexts in which violence and abuse occur. Research efforts in this area are ongoing.

Abuse in Same-Sex Relationships

Under-reporting of violence and abuse in relationships has been discussed at length as a serious obstacle to gaining a clear understanding of the incidence and nature of violence in intimate relationships. This impediment certainly applies in the case of abusive gay and lesbian relationships. Although the dynamics evident in same-sex abuse may be somewhat similar, there are a number of differences which exist for gay and lesbian victims of violence which make requesting and receiving help especially difficult.

Bringing abuse in homosexual relationships to light may expose the individual to discriminatory treatment associated with one's sexual orientation, and may mean greater infringement of privacy if the victim is concerned about disclosure of his or her sexual identity. Uninformed potential helpers may erroneously believe that violence is a natural part of the "gay lifestyle" and be reluctant to become involved. Furthermore, the individual may view his or her abusive partner as being central to their sexual identity, and threatened loss of the person may create concern that one will no longer be part of the lesbian and gay community (Finnigan, et al, 1996). In addition, programs to assist same-sex victims of family violence are difficult to locate and are frequently only available in metropolitan centres.

Dating Violence

The variety of forms of family violence are also present in dating relationships, irrespective of the age or sexual orientation of the partners concerned. Some evidence suggests that abuse in dating relationships occurs as frequently as in long-term, adult partnerships (i.e., marriage, common-law partnerships, etc.) (Health Canada, 1995; Wekerle and Wolfe, 1998). Kelly and DeKeseredy (1993) discovered that 28% of women surveyed reported experiencing at least one incident of sexual abuse in the last year; this figure rose to 45% when the time frame considered expanded to include any sexual assault experienced since leaving high school. Roberts (1994) found 37% of Canadian women polled had been sexually assaulted in the context of a dating relationship.

The pattern of interaction in abusive dating relationships often resembles the cycle of violence commonly observed in co-habiting intimate relationships. This cycle is characterized by a tension- building phase, followed by an explosive outburst of anger, abusive behavior and/or violence, culminating in a "honeymoon" period marked by contrition on the part of the abusive partner and a willingness, whether passive or active, of the abused individual to "kiss and make up" (Walker, cited in Wekerle & Wolfe, 1998). This pattern may be repeated indefinitely.

A number of warning signs may be present early in a relationship which indicate possibility of danger. If an individual issues threats of violence, is highly jealous or possessive, exerts dominance and control, has been abusive with previous partners, and/or accepts or defends the use of violence, he or she is more prone to escalate these behaviors into violence in his or her relationships (Health Canada, 1995). Childhood maltreatment and witnessing violence in one's family home have also been linked to both the perpetration and receipt of violence in youth dating relationships (Wekerle & Wolfe, 1998).

Children Exposed to Domestic Violence

In 1996, Statistics Canada's National Longitudinal Survey of Children and Youth estimated that 260,000 children between the ages of 4 and 11 witnessed violence in the home. This figure was parent-reported, and amounts to approximately 8% of the children in that age group. Nationally, VAWS found that in 39% of violent marriages, the children had witnessed an assault on their mother. Although reports suggest that children physically witness abusive interactions between caregivers approximately 40% of the time, experts suggest that between 80 and 90% of children in such homes are aware of and affected by the abuse, whether it is seen, heard, or otherwise sensed (e.g., Sudermann & Jaffe, 1998).

In recent years, the term "children who witness abuse" has fallen into disfavour for two primary reasons. The phrase was commonly confused with child witnesses of crime who were called upon to testify in court proceedings. Additionally, many researchers in this growing field became aware that children frequently suffer the effects of domestic violence even when they do not see it. Indeed, exposing a child to the dangers inherent in a domestically violent home may be considered a form of psychological maltreatment (Margolin, 1998). And in many cases, children exposed to domestic violence are themselves also subject to physical and sexual abuse.

Research studies have documented a host of short and long-term effects of exposure to domestic violence during the last two and a half decades. Observed childhood effects include conduct disorder and physical aggressiveness, anxiety, depression, cognitive and/or developmental delays, difficulty with social and peer relations and juvenile criminal activity, among others.

The frequency of family violence in the histories of prison inmates is grim testimony to a possible long-term connection of exposure to domestic abuse to adult misbehavior and maladjustment. According to Correctional Service Canada, over 56% of inmates indicated some form of violence occurring between their parents. Adolescents exposed in childhood to inter-parental abuse were more likely to engage in dating violence, alcohol and drug abuse, run away from home, demonstrate poor performance in school and disrespectful, stereotyped sex role attitudes. Chronic depression, poor social adjustment and post-traumatic and other stress disorders are also possible long-term effects of exposure to family violence (Sudermann & Jaffe, 1998).

Child Sexual Assault

According to the General Social Survey cited earlier, 90% of sexual assaults are not reported to police. However, that survey questioned persons aged 15 or older, so this finding cannot automatically be applied to children. Some experts suggest that under-reporting of sexual assaults on children is even more extensive a problem than is the case for adult victims of sexual assault. Many victims do not even disclose the abuse to other members of their family. Furthermore, assaults may never come to the attention of persons outside the child's immediate family. Young people under the age of majority and who are dependent on their caregivers are less likely to access outside support that may eventuate in the reporting of abuse to appropriate authorities. In addition, sexually abused children may not construe their experience as abusive or illegal, and may be afraid or reluctant to speak about it.

Although Canadian statistics do not offer any reliable estimates about the prevalence of child sexual abuse, they do offer a profile of the contexts in which reported abuse occurred. In 79% of all cases, the child knew the offender. Although the offender may not have been a family member in these cases, it is likely that most offenders were in a position of power relative to the victims, consistent with the definition of family violence proposed. According to the 1999 General Social Survey, in 30% of sexual abuse cases, the perpetrator was a family member. In 42% of these cases, a parent was responsible. In 98% of parental sexual assaults, the child's father was the perpetrator. Girls were the primary victims of sexual assault and represent four out of five victims of sexual assault (80%) by family members. Girls are most likely to be abused between 9 and 15 years of age, whereas boys are more likely to be abused between ages 3 and 7. Child sexual assaults are committed against children of all classes and ethnicities, although children with mental or physical disabilities, and those who are socially isolated, are especially vulnerable (Health Canada, 1997).

Child Physical Assault

Physical assaults on children outnumber sexual assaults more than two-to-one (Statistics Canada, 2000). However, despite mandatory reporting laws across the country which require any individual who becomes aware of abuse or neglect of a child to report such cases to the appropriate authorities, it is likely that upwards of 90% of cases never reach the child welfare system. Nevertheless, reported cases of assault of children still represented 20% of all physical assaults reported to police during 1999.

Family members were the suspected perpetrators in 22% of these instances. Parents were responsible for child assault in 66% of these reported instances, with fathers as the accused parent in 71% of cases. Siblings perpetrated intra-familial physical assaults on their sisters in 20% of reported cases, and on brothers, in 18% of cases, respectively. The likelihood of being physically assaulted increased slightly with age for boys and rose sharply for girls, reaching a peak for girls at the age of 17 and for boys at the age of 14. Girls represented slightly more than half of all reported familial physical assault cases in 1999 (53%), but were more than twice as likely to be victimized in their teens than were boys. Statistics Canada (2000) reports that this dramatic increase in familial victimization of girls during adolescence is modestly contributed to by spousal assaults of young wives aged 17 and under.

Psychological Maltreatment and Neglect of Children

Two less well understood forms of child abuse are psychological maltreatment and neglect. Research in these areas is made difficult because definitions vary and because they often occur along with other forms of abuse. Generally, neglect refers to deficits in the provision of basic needs, to acts of omission rather than commission, and to behaviour that is chronic or severe. Sub-types of neglect that appear repeatedly in the research include neglect in providing for health care, personal hygiene, nutrition, household safety and sanitation, shelter, supervision, education, and emotional nurturing.

Neglect is the most frequently reported and substantiated form of child maltreatment in the US, accounting for approximately 52% of reported cases of child abuse. Recent data from the US National Center on Child Abuse and Neglect indicate that 51% of reported neglect victims are under five years of age and 34% of those are under one year. Older children are more likely to be victims of emotional neglect. Poverty, family size of over four children, and single parenting all increase the risk of neglect (Miller-Perrin and Perrin, 1999).

The most tragic outcome of neglect is death. In 1996, 510 American children died as a result of neglect (Miller-Perrin and Perrin, 1999). Neglect was a significant factor contributing to the death of the young BC boy Matthew Vaudreuil, whose case came to the attention of the public in which prompted a systemic review of child welfare practice in this province. Although national statistics are not yet available, it is likely that neglect is a contributing factor in the deaths of many abused children in Canada.

Psychological abuse has been called the most pervasive and damaging form of child maltreatment. Broadly defined, psychological maltreatment occurs when a young person is subjected to a repeated pattern of behaviour that conveys that they are worthless, unloved, unwanted, only of value in meeting another's needs, or seriously threatened with physical or psychological violence (e.g., Hart, et al, 1996). Eight forms of psychological abuse have been repeatedly identified, including rejecting, degrading, exploiting, ignoring, close confinement, witnessing extreme or chronic domestic violence, permitting chronic delinquent behaviour, and refusal or delay in obtaining needed medical or psychological treatment. Although psychological maltreatment is often considered the most malignant form of abuse, most definitions of psychological maltreatment are not legally enforceable. This is because most laws require that abuse result in identifiable harm, but the harmful effects of psychological abuse may only be visible after years of maltreatment.

National data on child abuse and neglect have been unavailable in Canada until now. Varying provincial definitions of abuse, ages of majority, and bodies mandated for child protection service made estimation of the incidence of reported child abuse and neglect almost impossible. However, later this year (2000), the results of a three-year national study on the topic will be released to the Canadian public. This Health Canada project aims to provide a detailed picture of reported cases of child abuse and neglect, both provincially and for the country as a whole.

Bullying

Although not a form of family violence per se, bullying can be included in discussions of family violence because it tends to be associated with violence in the home. Internationally, 7% of elementary and middle school children regularly bully others. In one Toronto study, 13% of children admitted to bullying others (Haberlin, 1998).

There appear to be two types of bullying: Active bullies initiate bullying. A small sub-group, called passive bullies, does not initiate bullying but participates. Some researchers divide bullying into direct, physical bullying and indirect bullying, such as verbal abuse and social isolation (Bernstein and Watson, 1997). Others refer to physical bullying (hitting, kicking, taking property), verbal bullying (name-calling, insulting, making racist comments, and teasing), relational bullying (convincing peers to reject and exclude victims from social activities), and reactive bullying (engaging in direct bullying and provoking other bullies by taunting them) (Haberlin, 1998).

Bullies demonstrate little empathy, are aggressive toward adults and children, behave impulsively, and show a strong need to dominate. They interpret ambiguous situations as intentionally harmful and feel justified in retaliating. They are most often male and usually older than their victims. Male bullies pick on 80% of male and 60% of female victims. Male bullies do less well than other children on intelligence tests and have poor grades. Girls also bully, but use techniques such as ostracizing and ridiculing victims. Female bullies do well on intelligence tests and have above average school grades (Bernstein and Watson, 1997).

Certain types of parenting behaviour seem most likely to foster bullying behaviour in children. Parents of bullies tend to be hostile and rejecting or cold and indifferent toward their children, particularly in the first five years of life. They tend to tolerate aggressive behaviour rather than setting clear boundaries, and they use physical punishment, threats, and violent outbursts as forms of discipline. Family problems, including frequent parental conflict, mental illness, and alcohol abuse, contribute to bullying behaviour.

Consequences for victims of bullying can be severe. As children, victims can suffer from severe distress; one study noted that of 20,000 American children who commit suicide each year, up to a third are driven to it by bullying. Depression and other difficulties can continue into adulthood. But there are also long-term consequences for children who bully. One study showed that 60% of boys characterized as bullies in grade six had one criminal conviction by the age of 24, and 35-40% had three or more convictions, as compared with 10% of a control group. In another study, former bullies had a four-times-higher recidivism rate than others. Other studies have shown that former bullies can make uncaring, punitive parents whose children often become bullies (Bernstein and Watson, 1997).

Youth Violence

The National Clearinghouse on Family Violence defines youth violence as ".any intentional physical, sexual or psychological assault on another person or persons by one or more young people aged 12-19 years" (Health Canada, 1997). Youth violence may be committed by individuals acting alone or collectively, and may also include dating or relationship violence.

Youth violence concerns those who work in the field of family violence because it is often an external manifestation of conflict and abuse occurring in the home. One recent study of increases in violence among adolescent females showed that 20% of females who had hit someone in the previous year were physically abused at home, as compared with 3% who had not hit anyone. Twenty-four percent of females who had hit someone were sexually abused at home, compared with 11% who had not hit anyone.

Risk factors for youth violence include socio-demographic factors, such as gender, income level and ethnic origin; familial factors such as the presence of family violence, punitive parental disciplinary practices and familial criminal behavior; and school and peer variables such as school failure and drop-out and peer group/gang influence (Health Canada, 1997).

Abuse of Persons with Disabilities

Children with disabilities are among the most vulnerable persons in society. Estimates of the incidence of abuse among this diverse group range between 4 and 10 times greater than that experienced by non-disabled children, for example (Baladerian, 1991). Between approximately 40 and 80% of female and 15 and 30% of males children and adolescents with developmental disabilities may experience sexual abuse (Roeher Institute, 1994). Thirty to 70% of these same children may be subject to physical abuse. Unfortunately, in reality, it is unknown how many children with disabilities experience family violence, either in a single form (i.e, neglect) or in tandem with other forms of abuse (i.e., combined with physical, sexual or psychological maltreatment).

Most abuse of persons with disabilities occurs in the family home - almost 90%, according to Sullivan & Knutson (1998). It appears that certain forms of disability place individuals at even greater risk of being violated. For most forms of abuse, boys and girls are equally susceptible to being abused by persons known to them. This is not the case, however, with sexual abuse, where girls are more likely to be sexually assaulted than are boys (Baladerian, 1991). Partner abuse among women with disabilities occurs at higher rates than in non-disabled populations, and according to the National Clearinghouse on Family Violence, more disabled men are abused in intimate partnerships than are non-disabled men (1993).

Children and adults with disabilities are more vulnerable to be abused by intimates and caregivers due to a number of factors, among them their understandable dependency, disability-related incapacities such as diminished physical or cognitive abilities, and socialization processes which encourage compliance and submissiveness. Addressing or reporting maltreatment may alienate caregivers, a circumstance which could have serious consequences, particularly for individuals with few resources who are reliant on others' care. Violence and abuse of persons with disabilities may also occur in institutional caregiving settings. A number of characteristics of these environments conspire to place individuals particularly at risk, including insulation from the larger community, implicit and explicit power imbalances between caregiver and client, and collective environments which may allow systemic abuse perpetrated by multiple sources to continue unchecked.

Abuse of Older Adults

According to Health Canada, abuse of older adults may be defined as "mistreatment of older people by those in a position of trust, power or responsibility for their care" (Health Canada, 1998). The familial abuse of elders is committed by persons with some degree of intimacy or emotional closeness to the victim, including family members and non-family caregivers. In a 1990 national telephone survey conducted by the Roeher Institute, a sample of 2,000 older adults residing in private homes revealed that 4% experienced abuse or neglect, the most common forms of which were financial abuse committed by family and non-family members, and psychological abuse, which was perpetrated most often by the older person's spouse. Physical abuse as reported in this survey ranked third in rate of incidence and also occurred most frequently as partner assault.

Family Violence in Canada: A Statistical Profile (2000) reports that, across Canada in 1999, older adults were victims in 2% of crimes reported to the police. Family members were involved in over one-quarter of all violent crimes against people 65 years and older. The majority of crimes (85%) against older persons committed by family members were physical assaults. Older women were more likely to be abused by family members (35% of the time) than were older men, who were more likely to fall victim to non-familial offenders (75%). But in 18% of assaults against older men, family members were responsible, and most of these were adult children (53%). For women in this age group, adult children abused their mothers in 37% of cases, spouses were to blame in another 34% of reports. In instances where adult children were the perpetrators, sons were responsible in 84% of the cases and daughters in 16% (Statistics Canada, 2000).

The above information notwithstanding, the National Clearinghouse on Family Violence (1998) reports that few differences appear to exist between abused and non-abused older persons. Variables such as age, gender, marital status, ethnicity and income level do not appear to significantly impact the likelihood of abuse. Consistent predictors have been found in two key areas, however: older adults living with others are more likely to be abused than those who live on their own; and of those persons co-habiting, older adults living with caregivers or their grown children are more likely to be abused than by their spouses.

Next: Familial Homicide

This page last updated September 20, 2000.
Copyright (c) 1996 BC Institute Against Family Violence.