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The Effects of Domestic Violence on Children

by Mark Bodnarchuk

The theme of this newsletter is children who witness spousal violence. The aim of this article is (a) to place the research on children who witness domestic violence in the broader context of domestic violence, (b) to highlight important issues in the research on the effects of domestic violence upon children, (c) to highlight the co-occurrence of other factors related to children who witness, such as physical and sexual abuse and marital distress, and (d) to summarize the main research findings on children who witness domestic violence.

The nature and extent of men's assaults on female partners

Numerous North American studies involving over 25,000 adults have established that in the previous year, between 11% and 14% of women were physically assaulted by their male partners (Statistics Canada, 1993; Straus & Gelles, 1990). The proportion of women ever experiencing physical assault in an intimate relationship with a male is at least 30% (Statistics Canada, 1993; Straus & Gelles, 1990). A minimum of half of this violence is of a serious nature such as kicking, hitting, beating, sexual assault, or use of a gun or knife (e.g., Statistics Canada, 1993). This violence is often repetitive. In the past year, in those cases where women lived with an abusive man, almost two-thirds were assaulted more than once and 10% were subjected to ten or more attacks. Many of the assaults by women against their husbands are acts of retaliation or self-defense (Straus, 1980). Similarly, recent research with severely violent couples has suggested that women do not initiate violence, nor can they do anything to stop extreme verbal abuse once it has begun (Jacobsen, Gottman, Waltz, Babcock, & Holtzworth-Munroe, 1994). Men who assault their female partners are found across ethnic, racial and socio-economic classes (Hotaling & Sugarman, 1990). In addition, 33% to 50% of women who are physically assaulted by their male partner are also sexually assaulted (Frieze & Browne, 1989).

Important issues in research on the effects of domestic violence on children

The research on the effects of domestic violence on children has not always isolated the impact of men's violence toward female partners on children. Findings have included the impact of marital conflict, as well as any violence committed by women towards men. Second, research has often assessed the impact of witnessing and/or experiencing violence from parents without clear differentiation of the effects from witnessing and/or experiencing violence. Third, available research has not adequately investigated age-related effects of the impact of male intimate partner violence on children. Finally, the specific proportion of intimate partner violence by men that does not occur in the presence of children has not been ascertained.

Summary findings on the proportion of children who witness domestic violence

Using the results of the U.S. 1975 and 1985 national surveys involving 8,145 families, Straus (1992) estimated that between 23% and 36% of children witnessed physical violence between their parents, and that in two-thirds of cases, children were exposed to repeated violence between their parents. Parents commonly believe that children are not aware of the violence. However, Jaffe, Wolfe and Wilson (1990) discovered that children of violent parents could generally give detailed information about the violence that parents thought went unnoticed.

Co-occurrence of physical and sexual violence in children who witness domestic violence

In addition to any effects of this violence that occurs in their presence, these children are also at greatly increased risk for physical and sexual abuse. It is estimated that child abuse co-occurs with witnessing parental violence between 45% and 70% of the time (Layzer, Goodson& deLange, 1986; Prescott & Letko, 1977; Straus et al., 1980; op cit. Margolin 1998). Children living with an abused mother are at 12 to 14 times greater risk of sexual abuse by the mother's partner and are seven times more likely to report sexual abuse occurring outside the home (McCloskey, Figuerdo, & Koss, 1995). The exact proportion of children who witness partner abuse and also experience direct psychological abuse is not known, but is likely high.

Effects on children of witnessing parental violence

Margolin (1998) points out that witnessing violence is associated with emotional, behavioural and learning problems and that children's susceptibility to witnessing this violence is affected by their developmental level, chronicity of exposure, physical proximity to the incident, and the child's emotional closeness to the victim. Margolin (1998) further notes that

"Witnessing violence between one's parents is often recurring and chronic. It is most likely to occur in the home - the one environment generally associated with safety and protection of the child. Moreover, the aggressor and the victim are the persons with whom the child is most likely to identify and to whom the child would wish to turn to for support. The effects of exposure are not limited to the commission of the violent act; they also involve acts of parental omission, in terms of typical supportive and nurturing functions that may be disrupted as a consequence of domestic violence. It is not surprising, therefore, that exposure to marital violence has been associated with a variety of problems in children" (p. 58).

Furthermore, in families in which there is violence between parents, there are additional mental health risks-notably, separation of a child from a parent, parental alcohol problems, school and home relocation, and overall family stress (Jaffe, Wolfe, Wilson & Zak, 1986).

Direct psychological effects

The direct psychological effects of exposure to marital abuse are multi-faceted and diverse, and have both immediate and long-term effects. These effects have been investigated through the use of retrospective reports by adults, assessment of children's functioning from repeated exposure to domestic violence, and assessment of their immediate reaction to domestic violence.

When adults' or older adolescents' retrospective reports of interparental violence as a child or adolescent were examined, Hotaling and Sugarman (1986) found in 14 of 16 studies that witnessing interparental violence was found to be the most important risk indicator for becoming a perpetrator and a victim of husband-to-wife violence. Similarly, Doumas, Margolin and John (1994) found that witnessing marital aggression was a significant predictor for husbands' next generation abuse of their wives and abuse potential of their children. Taken together, these studies indicate that the childhood witnessing of interparental violence can "lay the foundation for an aggressively oriented behavioural repertoire as well as different expectations regarding aggression in adult intimate relationships" (Margolin, 1998, p. 633).

The effects of current exposure to marital violence, when isolated from a number of other factors, have often been investigated in children who accompany their mothers to shelters. A number of these studies have demonstrated that witnessing marital violence is associated with internalizing (e.g., depression, self-blame) and externalizing (e.g., aggressive behaviour) problems, problems with social competence, aggression and difficult temperaments, extreme approaches to problem solving, and impaired empathic abilities (Margolin, 1998). Some of these findings hold when parent-to-child aggression is controlled for and are not totally attributable to children being removed from their home environment. McCloskey, Figueredo, & Koss (1995) compared children from battered women's shelters, children witnessing marital violence in their home environment and non-exposed children and found that both groups had more conduct disorders, attention deficit and hyperactivity disorders, separation anxiety, and obsessive-compulsive disorder than non-exposed children. Also, Jouriles, Murphy and O'Leary (1989) suggest that marital violence contributes unique variance, above that of general marital discord to the prediction of conduct disorder and generalized feelings and behaviours of "inadequacy-immaturity" in both boys and girls.

In examining the more immediate effects of childrens' exposure to domestic violence on their functioning, eight studies using the Child Behavior Checklist and the Behavior Problem Checklist, found that 26% to 75% of children exposed to partner abuse were rated as showing clinical problems in higher percentages than community control group children. Margolin (1998) notes that the effects of exposure to domestic violence are less severe when assessed in community samples that have not been referred for treatment. This finding may be due to the better controlled nature of these studies or perhaps reflects the fact that the violence witnessed in these circumstances is less serious. It has been observed (e.g., Sternberg, Lamb, Greenbaum, Cicchetti, Dawud, Cortes, Krispin, & Lorey, 1993) that children who observe interparental violence exhibit a level of adjustment that is somewhat "in-between" that of children who are physically abused, and children who are physically abused and witness interparental violence, but worse than that of children in comparison or control groups.

Children's immediate reactions to marital violence have also been researched. It has been found that children perceive disagreements and the actors in disagreements as more negative when the conflict includes physical aggression compared to verbal aggression and non-violent conflict (Cummings, Vogel, Cummings, & El-Sheikh, 1989; El-Sheikh & Cheskes, 1995). Children also report more negative emotions and distress reactions to physical aggression (e.g., Cummings, Zahn-Waxler, & Radke-Yarrow, 1981). It has been generally found that children from families where physical aggression occurred between parents showed more extreme reactions when faced with additional conflict (Margolin, 1998). Margolin (1998, p. 76) summarizes that exposed children "are more likely to distract themselves or their parents from conflict (O'Brien, Margolin, John, & Kreuger, 1991); to interfere or become actively involved in the parents' conflict (Cummings et al. 1981; O'Brien et al. 1991); to become angry, to appear sad or frightened, or to leave the room (Garcia, O'Hearn, Margolin, & John, 1997); to be more distressed (Cummings et al. 1989); or to be more preoccupied, solicitous, and support seeking (Cummings, Pellegrini, Notarius, & Cummings, 1989)."

Age effects

Different effects of witnessing domestic violence have been found in children of different ages, and in cases of serious domestic violence. However, clear patterns have not been established. In a review of 23 studies of 1,069 children of violent homes, Fantuzzo and Lindquist (1989) found that, for three and a half to six year old children, (a) verbal conflict alone was associated with a moderate level of conduct problems; (b) verbal and physical conflict were associated with clinical levels of conduct problems and moderate levels of emotional problems; and (c) verbal and physical conflict and shelter residence were associated with clinical levels of conduct problems, higher level of emotional problems, and lower levels of social functioning and perceived maternal acceptance. Jaffe et al (1990) have found that pre-school children who witnessed domestic violence were more likely to exhibit emotional distress, immature behaviour and somatic complaints. Hughes (1988) found that witnessing violence and being physically abused clearly differentiated the distress levels of pre-school children, and to a lesser extent, for six to eight and nine to twelve year olds. Adolescents demonstrated anxiety, high levels of aggression, and acting out-for example, by running away (e.g., Jaffe et al. 1990). Gender effects have been observed to be mixed (Margolin, 1998). Other authors argue that research on the impact of witnessing violence needs to determine the potential influences of anxious attachment, social isolation and general family stress (Emery & Laumann-Billings, 1998). The specific role of protective factors (e.g., Garmezy, 1983) in children raised in significantly adverse environments and family situations has not been well researched for children who witness domestic violence.

Intervention implications

The proportion of children who witness marital violence are at high to extreme risk for physical violence and sexual abuse. Intervention efforts need to regularly assess and provide a variety of treatment and interventions for both children, victims, and abusers. Specification of these treatments and interventions is beyond the scope of this article.

Children who witness domestic violence are also more likely to live in families where there is considerable marital distress. This distress likely complicates children's adjustment and emotional and behavioural difficulties which may be due at least in part to domestic violence. Thus, interventions need to focus on stopping mens' assault of female partners to minimize damage to the parental relationship. However, additional intervention may need to decrease the level of marital/relationship distress.

It is clear that the children of different ages are not affected in the same way by witnessing domestic violence. It generally appears that there are basic difference in symptoms as a result of witnessing domestic violence between pre-school children and adolescents. These differences in symptoms are important to consider in formulating appropriate intervention efforts. Finally, it is important to recognize that protective factors may help to reduce the impact of domestic violence on children. Such factors may be helpful in both intervention and prevention efforts.??

-Mark Bodnarchuk, Research Consultant with the Institute, is a counselling psychology doctoral student performing research in the area of personality and behavioral typologies of spousal assaulters.

References

Cummings, E. M., Vogel, D., Cummings, J. S., & El-Sheikh, M. (1989). Children's responses to different forms of expression of anger between adults. Child Development, 60, 1392-1404.

Cummings, E. M., Zahn-Waxler, C., & Radke-Yarrow, M. (1981). Young children's responses to anger in the home. Journal of Child Psychology and Psychiatry, 25, 63-74.

Doumas, D., Margolin, G., & John, R. S. (1994). The intergenerational transmission of aggression across three generations. Journal of Family Violence, 9, 157-75.

El-Sheikh, M., & Cheskes, J. (1995). Background verbal and physical anger: A comparison of children's responses to adult-adult and adult-child arguments. Child Development, 66, 446-458.

Emery, R. E., & Laumann-Billings, L. (1998). An overview of the nature, causes, and consequences of abusive family relationships. American Psychologist, 53, 121-135.

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Straus, M. A. (1992). Children as witnesses to marital violence: A risk factor for lifelong problems among a nationally representative sample of American men and women. In D. F. Schwartz (Ed.), Children and violence: Report of the twenty-third Ross round table on critical approaches to common pediatric problems (pp. 98-109). Columbus OH: Ross Laboratories.

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Straus, M. A., & Gelles, R. J. (1990). Physical violence in American families: Risk factors, and adaptation in 8,145 families. New Brunswick NJ: Transaction Press.