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2003 articles
BC Femicide Report – 2002
Penny Bain and Kelly Watt
Femicide, the murder of a woman by her current or former
intimate partner, is the most severe form of intimate-partner
violence. In 2001, 69 wives were killed by their husbands
in Canada, 17 more than in 2000. (Statistics Canada, 2001)
Research indicates that femicide is the single most common
form of murder perpetrated against women, accounting for between
30 and 60 percent of all murders of females in a given year
(Brown, 1987; Campbell, 1986; Frye and Wilt, 2001; Mouzos,
2000; Polk, 1994, Wilson and Daly, 1992). This report briefly
discusses perpetrator, victim, relational, and community responsiveness
risk factors relating to femicide, and reviews media reports
of apparent femicides in BC in 2002.
Perpetrator Risk Factors
Perpetrator risk factors are historical events, developmental
experiences, personality characteristics, and life circumstances
that increase the perpetrator’s risk of committing femicide,
either by increasing the perpetrator’s thoughts, desires,
or ability to cause serious harm to his partner, or by decreasing
a perpetrator’s inhibitions once he experiences thoughts
or desires of harming his partner.
Perpetrator demographics: In the United States, men who commit
homicide, including intimate-partner femicide, are likely
to be poor, young, and members of a minority group. (Campbell,
2001)
Firearms: Gun ownership is strongly associated with intimate-partner
femicide. In the majority of studies, victims are more likely
to be shot to death than killed by any other means.
Criminal history: In addition to having access to firearms,
many perpetrators of femicide have prior histories of criminal
behaviour. Generally, over half of perpetrators have prior
arrests, most commonly related to domestic violence, non-domestic
violent crime, and possession of narcotics. (Campbell and
Wolf, 2001; McFarlane et al, 1999)
Previous intimate-partner violence: Perpetrators have commonly
been violent toward
other intimate partners in the past. (Abrams et al, 2000)
Mental-health problems: Specific mental-health problems that
have been associated with perpetrators of femicide include
depression, sleeplessness, suicidal ideation or attempts,
threats of homicide, and substance or medication use. (Campbell
and Wolf, 2001; Campbell, 2001; McFarlane et al., 1999) Less
frequently, perpetrators have histories of mental illness
or diagnoses of personality disorders. (Campbell, 2001; Morton
et al, 1998)
Victim-Vulnerability Risk Factors
Understanding femicide also requires understanding characteristics
associated with victims. Victim-vulnerability factors include
historical events, developmental experiences, personality
characteristics, and life circumstances. Typically, these
factors increase the victim’s risk of femicide in one
of three ways: first, by increasing the likelihood that she
will establish a relationship with a man who is at risk of
committing femicide; second, by preventing her from perceiving
risks in the relationship; or third, by decreasing the likelihood
that she will take protective action once the risks are apparent.
Victim demographics: In the United States, ethnic minorities
tend to be over-represented among victims of femicide. (Santa
Clara County Death Review Committee: Final Report, 2000)
Previous intimate-partner violence: In addition to experiencing
violence in their current relationship, victims have often
been abused in previous relationships. (Abrams et al, 2000)
Mental-health problems: In addition, most victims of femicide
exhibit signs of ‘decompensation’ prior to death.
This term refers to stress-related physical and mental health
problems such as sleeplessness and substance abuse, as well
as to deterioration in social functioning, such as loss of
employment and financial problems. (Abrams et al, 2000; Santa
Clara County Death Review Final Report, 2000)
Relational Risk Factors
Relational risk factors focus on the relationship between
the perpetrator and victim over time.
Relationship status: The literature shows that relationship
status is commonly associated with risk for lethal violence.
For example, findings from both Canada (Wilson, Johnson and
Daly, 1995) and the United States (Shackelford, 2001) indicated
that women in common-law relationships were at much greater
risk for both lethal and non-lethal violence than were married
women. In both common-law and married couples, femicide rates
increased sharply with discrepancy between the partners’
ages.
Previous intimate-partner violence: Prior intimate-partner
violence is one of the strongest and most consistent risk
factors associated with femicide. (Campbell, 2001) Studies
indicate that two-thirds of intimate-partner femicides involve
battering of the victim by her male partner before her death.
(Campbell, 2001) More specifically, violent victimization
tends to escalate in severity and frequency prior to the femicide.
(New York State Office for the Prevention of Domestic Violence,
1997; Office of Chief Medical Examiner, 2001)
Separation: A history of actual or attempted separations
has also been strongly associated with femicide. (Campbell,
2001; Daly, Wiseman, and Wilson, 1997; Dobash et al, 2001;
Ryan et al, 2000) Dobash et al (2001) found that men who killed
an intimate partner were 10 times more likely to have been
recently divorced or separated from their partner than those
who committed non-lethal violence against an intimate partner.
Wilson, Johnson, and Daly (1995) suggest that women are at
highest risk of femicide if separation and initiation of legal
proceedings occur simultaneously. These findings are consistent
with research suggesting that men may become extremely dangerous
when they believe a relationship is about to end. (Bourget,
Gagne, Moamai, 2000; Daly and Wilson, 1988; Fleury, Sullivan,
and Bybee, 2000)
Stalking: Following separation, perpetrators commonly
engaged in stalking or controlling behaviour, such as threats
of harm, following the victim, and unwanted communication.
(Campbell, 1995; Abrams et al, 2000; Santa Clara County Death
Review Final Report, 2000) McFarlane et al (1999) found that
during the 12 months prior to an actual or attempted femicide,
more than three-quarters of women were stalked and more than
two-thirds were physically assaulted. Stalking behavior within
the context of femicide is highly associated with extreme
jealousy, perceptions of betrayal, obsessive thinking, and
sexual possessiveness on the part of the perpetrator. (Campbell
and Wolf, 2001; Daly and Wilson, 1988)
Children: In addition to being associated with relationship
difficulties between the victim and perpetrator, children
may be associated in several ways with lethal violence. For
instance, studies indicate that approximately half of victims
have children from previous relationships. (Brewer and Paulsen,
1999; Daly, Wiseman, and Wilson, 1997; Abrams et al, 2000)
In addition to the presence of step-children, abuse during
pregnancy has been associated with intimate-partner femicide.
(Campbell, 2001) Although little is known about how the presence
of children may increase the risk of femicide, in many cases
in which children were present during a femicide, they were
either physically injured or killed, indicating that children
are often as much at risk of harm as adult victims. (Abrams
et al, 2000; New York State Office for the Prevention of Domestic
Violence, 1997)
Community-Responsiveness Risk Factors
Community-responsiveness factors include characteristics
of the social-support network, neighborhood, and community.
Norms, laws, policies, procedures, services, and support may
be inadequate to prevent a perpetrator from committing violence
or to assist potential femicide victims in increasing their
safety. In some cases, helping agencies may actually condone
violence by minimizing and denying the effects of violence
and blaming the women for the abuse. (Ptacek, 1999)
Awareness of relationship problems: In the vast
majority of cases examined by US fatality-review committees,
family members, friends, co-workers, neighbors, or services
were aware of or suspected problems, such as conflict, physical
violence, and death threats within the victim/perpetrator
relationship prior to the femicide. (New York State Office
for the Prevention of Domestic Violence, 1997; Abrams et al,
2000)
Medical and social-service contact: Victims often
sought medical treatment, domestic-violence service, or social-service
intervention prior to the femicide. (New York State Office
for the Prevention of Domestic Violence, 1997) According to
the Denver Metro Domestic Violence Fatality Review Committee
(Abrams et al, 2000), one-quarter of victims reported their
history of domestic violence to medical caregivers, while
one-fifth had received medical treatment due to domestic violence
prior to their fatality.
Criminal-justice agency contact: Reviews also indicate
that police or other criminal justice agencies were involved
prior to the death of the victim in more than 65 percent of
femicide cases due prim-arily to prior arrests for incidents
of domestic violence. (Florida Domestic Violence Fatality
Review Team, 1994; New York State Office for the Prevention
of Domestic Violence, 1997; County of San Diego Domestic Violence
Review Team, 2001; Santa Clara County Death Review Final Report,
1997) However, of men with a history of arrests related to
incidents of domestic violence, only a small proportion received
domestic-violence treatment. Restraining orders were also
commonly active or being issued. According to the State Office
for the Prevention of Domestic Violence (1997), in cases where
restraining orders were in place prior to the homicide, the
majority had been violated on at least one occasion.
Conclusions
Overall, these findings confirm that in many cases of femicide,
there are multiple indicators to individuals and agencies
that a couple is ‘at risk.’ However, even when
indicators are recognized by family, friends, and co-workers,
the interventions or assistance they provide may be inadequate
to prevent femicide. (Abrams et al, 2000)
In addition, criminal-justice agencies often do not have
access to complete and accurate information regarding the
criminal histories and personal protection-order histories
of abusers. (Michigan Domestic Violence Homicide Prevention
Task Force, 2001)
Furthermore, domestic-violence laws are often inconsistently
applied and interpreted, leading to increased risk of harm
to victims of domestic violence. (Michigan Domestic Violence
Homicide Prevention Task Force, 2001) Many reviews have highlighted
deficits in communication, coordination, and training of various
agencies involved in domestic-violence cases. (Michigan Domestic
Violence Homicide Prevention Task Force, 2001)
BC Femicides in 2002
Keeping in mind the risk factors identified by the literature,
the Institute collected the following information from media
reports of apparent femicides in BC in 2002:
Phoebe Mack was killed by her husband January
8, 2002 in Victoria, BC. The couple had lived together for
four years but had separated in August, 2001. Her husband
killed her in the presence of her two-year-old son. Death
occurred as a result of him placing her in a headlock. He
was convicted of manslaughter and sentenced to 12 years in
prison.
Laurie Ross, who was last seen with her
despondent husband, disappeared in January, 2002 from Alexis
Creek, BC. Her husband had told his boss he was trying to
sort out his marital problems just four days before he and
his wife disappeared. Their abandoned vehicle was found at
Sheep Creek Bridge between Alexis Creek and Williams Lake.
The police suspect that she was the victim of a murder/suicide.
Her husband’s body was found in the Fraser River May
11, 2002. They are survived by three teenaged daughters.
Carmela Cusano was killed by blows to the
head allegedly inflicted by her husband of 40 years on January
25, 2002 in North Vancouver, BC. Her husband called police
to the family home, where they found her body. Her husband
was charged with murder. The couple has two grown children.
Janki Singh’s 71-year-old husband
was charged with her second-degree murder on March 2, 2002
in Surrey, BC. The 67-year-old wife was found in the couple’s
home. An autopsy disclosed a homicide. Surrey RCMP neither
confirmed nor denied a report that the woman was suffering
from a terminal illness and her death may have been an assisted
suicide or mercy killing.
Patricia Sharon Cairns’ husband of
three months hit her several times on the head with a hammer
and then strangled her on April 22, 2002 in Crofton, BC. He
was found guilty of manslaughter on April 29, 2003. His defense
was based on provocation due to his wife’s gambling.
The husband attempted suicide after the murder. The couple
has an eight-year-old son.
Virve Carlita Taponen’s husband of
eight years confessed to strangling her with a polyurethane
wrapping while giving her a massage during a vacation in Mexico
on August 6, 2002. He took the body to a hospital and reported
that his wife had been attacked. Hospital workers became suspicious
and called police. His lawyer stated that the husband would
plead that he went temporarily insane over religious issues
and feared that his marriage was unravelling. After her death,
Virve’s father said her husband was extremely jealous.
The couple, from Burnaby, BC, has two children, aged 5 and
7.
Rosella Centis’s husband was charged
with first-degree murder for killing her with a shotgun at
a Nanaimo gas station on September 1, 2002 in the presence
of her daughter. He had just been served with divorce papers.
The couple had been separated for two years. They have five
children.
Wei Amanda Zhao’s boyfriend allegedly
killed her on October 9, 2002 in Burnaby, BC. Shortly after
her body was found at Stave Lake on October 20, the boyfriend
returned to China. A roommate/cousin has been charged with
accessory after the fact for helping the boyfriend to leave
the country.
Lori Lynn Elaine Kokotailo’s husband
has been charged with first-degree murder in relation to her
stabbing death on December 1, 2002 in Mission, BC, in the
presence of her two teenaged daughters, who called 911.
In conclusion, based on the limited information available
from media reports of nine femicides in British Columbia in
2002, several risk factors consistent with previous research
are evident. In three cases, victims had either separated
or were about to separate from their husbands; in three cases
there were known relationship problems; in two cases children
witnessed the murder; in one case the perpetrator had access
to a gun; and in four cases the perpetrator was known to be
depressed, suicidal, or extremely jealous.
Kelly Watt is a graduate student in the doctoral program
in Clinical/Community Psychology at the University of Illinois
at Urbana-Champaign. Her primary research interests are intimate
partner violence and violence risk assessment. She has worked
on various projects for the BCIFV over the past five years.
Penny Bain is executive director of the BCIFV.
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