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Expanding our Understanding of Gendered Violence: Violence Against Trans People and Loved Ones
Joshua Mira Goldberg and Caroline White
Introduction: Trans Basics
Over the last 40 years, activists from feminist, anti-racist, disability, gay/lesbian/bisexual, and other social-justice movements have made great strides in challenging Canadian society as a whole to think critically about what it means to be a ‘real’ woman or man; to recognize gender norms conventionally associated with femininity and masculinity as being more stereotype than fact; and to rethink gender as a social construct, rather than a biological ‘truth,’ which is tied to other constructs such as ‘race’ and class.
Behavioural gender norms depend not only on the societal norms in a particular place at a particular moment in history, but also on the details of context. For example, the norms of ‘appropriate’ clothing, hairstyle, speech, posture, and other aspects of behaviour for a woman in Canada depend not only on gender, but also on what kind of work that woman does, her perceived class and ‘race,’ whether she’s in an urban or rural setting, how old she is, the size and shape of her body, etc.
While the precise norms of gender behaviour vary greatly depending on context, there are also gender norms that are often taken for granted as biological or ‘natural’ and considered to apply to everyone regardless of context:
- There are two genders: boy/man and girl/woman.
- Our gender is determined by the bodies we are born with, and stays the same throughout our lives.
- Our bodies determine our feelings about self and how we want to be perceived by others.
- Going outside prevailing gender norms, or loving someone who does, is a sign of sexual deviance.
These gender norms affect all of us, shaping our personal, family, and community decisions about how to interact with each other, how to understand ourselves, and how to structure public services and institutions. We live in a society in which it is extremely important to know if someone is a man or a woman, and where there are assumptions about a person’s history, experiences, and feelings based on what we believe their gender is.
For many people, these rules feel confining: it’s as if some of us have to squish ourselves into a label that doesn’t really describe the fullness of who we are; we have to operate under somebody else’s decisions about what is good and what is bad; we have to prejudice our interactions with people based on our assumptions about their gender. And for people who are visibly or publicly gender-variant, there’s not only the pain of feeling like we don’t fit in, but the tremendous burden of other people’s reactions. In some cultures and times, trans people and their loved ones have been accepted or revered, and in others reviled, feared, or ignored. (Feinberg, 1996; Jacobs, Thomas, and Lang, 1997) In the dominant culture of present-day Canada, gender-variant people are often subjected to curiosity, rejection, fear, hatred, harassment, discrimination, and violence.
In the last decade, the umbrella term transgender (abbreviated as trans) has been used to describe a wide diversity of people whose identity, history, or way of expressing themselves does not conform to prevailing social norms relating to gender. This may include crossdressers, drag kings/queens, transsexuals, people who are androgynous, Two-Spirit people, people who are bi-gendered or multi-gendered, butches and sissies, and people who do not identify with any gender labels. The loved ones of trans people are sometimes called SOFFAs – an acronym for significant others, family members, friends, and allies.
In an effort to become more inclusive of trans people, many lesbian/gay/bisexual organizations have added a ‘T’ for trans, and now use the term LGBT. While this does meet the needs of some trans people, who feel connected to the LGB/‘queer’ community, it can also be confusing to equate sexual orientation—who a person is romantically and erotically attracted to—and gender. Although there are shared experiences common to the LGB and trans communities—for example, shame, social isolation, prejudice and discrimination, and hate crimes—trans people of all sexual orientations have specific concerns that do not overlap with the LGB community. A solid understanding of these trans-specific issues is necessary for anti-violence agencies.
Trans-Specific Violence
It is impossible to discuss the extent of violence against trans people with any certainty, as current tracking mechanisms are problematic. Reporting focuses on interpersonal violence between adults, with little consideration of institutional/systemic violence or violence against youth. Even the usual sources of reporting of interpersonal violence are largely unavailable to trans survivors: police and emergency medical services are compromised options because of their histories of violence against trans people, particularly sex trade workers and prisoners (Daley et al, 2000; Feinberg, 1996); gendered anti-violence organizations—often the first line of contact for survivors—are often inaccessible because of general public uncertainty whether they provide services to trans survivors and if so, under what conditions. (Ross, 1995; Cope and Darke, 1999; Darke and Cope, 2002; White, 2002) Additionally, violence against trans people is frequently monitored within the rubric of ‘LGBT’ violence, with no distinction between homophobic and transphobic violence (BC Hate Crimes Team, 2000; NCAVP, 2001; NYCGLAVP, 2002) and no acknowledgment of violence against the loved ones of trans people as part of violence against the trans community. (Cook-Daniels, 2001) Reporting also fails to account for multiple reasons for violence, including the ways that identities and experiences of trans survivors are racialized, classed, and otherwise constructed.
To date, hate crimes are the most commonly tracked form of violence against trans people. Although not typically included in discussions of family violence, reports indicate that a significant number of trans survivors of violence knew the perpetrator, unlike other hate crimes where the perpetrator is usually a stranger. (BC Hate Crimes Team, 2000) This challenges conventional understanding of hate crimes as ‘public’ and as distinct from family and relationship violence.
The Gender, Violence and Resource Access Survey of trans and intersex survivors conducted by the Survivor Project in 1998 is the most specific research on relationship and sexual violence to date. Preliminary results found that “50 percent of respondents had been raped or assaulted by a romantic partner, though only 62 percent of those raped or assaulted (31 percent of the total sample) identified themselves as survivors of domestic violence when explicitly asked.” (Courvant & Cook-Daniels, 1998: 2)
Including multiple forms of identity alters our understanding of violence against trans people in significant ways. In hate crimes, for example, where specific gender identity was recorded, the researchers found that 98 percent of all ‘transgender’ violence was perpetrated against people in the male-to-female spectrum (Currah and Minter, 2000); of the 38 murders of trans people reported internationally in 2003, 70 percent were women of colour. (Smith, 2003) In other examples, where ‘race’, class, and/or sexual identity are considered, it is unclear whether crimes were motivated by gender, ‘race’ or sexual identity, challenging theories of violence that privilege gender over all other identities. (Darke and Cope, 2002; Goldberg, 2003; White, 2002)
Within the complexities of identity and violence, trans people may experience forms of violence and abuse that have specific transphobic elements. For example, physical and sexual violence may include assault, mutilation, or denigration of body parts such as chest, genitals, and hair that signify specific cultural notions of gender. Economic abuse may include withdrawal of financial support related to trans-specific care (eg, electrolysis, hormones, surgery) or of financial support in general, and/or exploitation of the victim’s financial dependence by demands for financial compensation or payback through prostitution or the drug trade. Emotional/verbal abuse may include ridicule of cross-gendered behaviour or appearance; threats to limit or prohibit access to children or services; and threats to reveal the victim’s gender identity to employers, financial-aid workers, health-care workers, immigration personnel, or anyone else with possible influence or control over the survivor’s well being. (Goldberg, 2003, 2004) Loved ones of trans people may also experience trans-specific forms of violence and abuse, including the use of societal transphobia as an excuse for abusive behaviours. (Munson and Cook-Daniels, 2003)
A significant barrier to trans survivors and loved ones accessing anti-violence and related services is the adherence to conventional definitions of gender. Survivors who fall outside of these definitions are routinely erased from access to even the most basic care and support that these systems may offer. The tyranny of passing as non-trans and the systemic violence of not passing cannot be underscored enough in trans survivors’ lives.
Strategies for Inclusion
To be competent to provide services to trans people and loved ones, anti-violence agencies must:
- be fully comfortable working with people with diverse gender identities and cultural beliefs about gender
- be able to engage clients in exploring the connections between violence and gender oppression
- be aware of the legal, medical, and social issues that impact trans people and loved ones who are survivors of violence
- understand the social, legal, and economic factors that increase the vulnerability of trans people and loved ones to violence and that make it more difficult to leave abusive relationships
- reduce the barriers that make it difficult for trans people and loved ones to report and seek services relating violence
- incorporate gender diversity in anti-violence education and prevention efforts
- develop policy and procedures relating to safe environments for trans/SOFFA staff, volunteers, and clients
- have mechanisms to evaluate the agency’s effectiveness in working with the trans community
Resources for Trans Folks:
- Trans Alliance Society
Coalition of 20+ trans and ally community groups from around BC. Clearinghouse for materials relating to trans education, advocacy, and peer support.
- Transgender Health Program
Support, information/referrals, and advocacy for trans community members; training for service providers.
Caroline White is a community-based social-justice activist, educator, and researcher. She has worked in women’s and anti-violence organizations for 20 years. Caroline is also a trans ally. In 1994 she initiated trans- and intersex-related training for the volunteers, staff, and board at the sexual assault centre she worked at. She currently volunteers with the Women/Trans Dialogue Planning Committee to produce policy and other manuals.
Joshua Mira Goldberg grew up in an activist family and has been passionate about social justice for as long as he can remember. He has been involved in trans education, advocacy, and peer support since his transition in 1996, working on numerous policy campaigns, research projects, and training initiatives, including authorship of a curriculum for anti-violence agencies. Joshua is the coordinator of Vancouver Coastal Health’s Transgender Health Program.
References
BC Hate Crimes Team (2000, September) End Hate Crime: Hate/bias Crime Policy Guide. Online at http://www.pssg.gov.bc.ca/end_hate_crime/policy_guide/index.htm
Cook-Daniels, L (2001) SOFFA Questions and Answers. Milwaukee, WI: FORGE. Online at http://www.forge-forward.org/handouts/SOFFA-QA.pdf
Courvant, D and Cooks-Daniels, L (1998) Trans and Intersex Survivors of Domestic Violence: Defining Terms, Barriers & Responsibilities. Portland, OR: Survivor Project. Online at http://www.survivorproject.org/defbarresp.html
Currah, P and Minter, S (2000) Transgender Equality: A Handbook for Activists and Policymakers. New York: National Gay and Lesbian Task Force. Online at http://www.ngltf.org/downloads/transeq.pdf
Daley, C, Kugler, E and Hirschmann, J (2000) Walking while Transgender: Law Enforcement of San Francisco’s Transgender/Transsexual Community. San Francisco: Ella Baker Center for Human Rights/TransAction.
Darke, J and Cope, A (2002. Trans Inclusion Policy Manual for Women’s Organizations. Vancouver: Trans Alliance Society. Online at http://www.transalliancesociety.org/education/documents/02womenpolicy.pdf
Feinberg, L (1996) Transgender Warriors: Making History from Joan of Arc to Ru Paul. Boston: Beacon Press.
Goldberg, J (2003) Trans People in the Criminal Justice System: A Guide for Criminal Justice Personnel. Vancouver: Justice Institute of BC and Trans Alliance Society. Online at http://www.transalliancesociety.org/education/publications.html#new
Goldberg, J (2004 – in press) Making the Transition: Providing Services to Trans Survivors of Violence and Abuse. Vancouver: Justice Institute of BC and Trans Alliance Society.
Jacobs, S, Thomas, W, and Lang, S (Eds) (1997) Two-Spirit people: Native American Gender Identity, Sexuality, and Spirituality. Chicago: University of Illinois Press.
Munson, M, and Cook-Daniels, L (2003) Transgender/SOFFA: Domestic Violence and Sexual Assault Resource Sheet. Milwaukee, WI: FORGE. Online at http://www.forge-forward.org/handouts/TransDV-SA.pdf
National Coalition of Anti-Violence Programs (NCAVP). (2001). Lesbian, Gay, Bisexual and Transgender Domestic Violence in 2000: A Report of the National Coalition of Anti-Violence Programs 2000, preliminary edition. New York: Author.
New York City Gay and Lesbian Anti-Violence Project. (2002). Gay and Lesbian Anti-violence Project Releases Report on Hate Incidents in 2001. Online at http://avp.org/publications/media/2001hcrimerpt.htm
Ross, M (1995) “Investigating women’s shelters,” in Gendertrash, 3: 7-10.
Smith, GA (2003) Who are We Remembering? Online at http://www.gender.org/remember/day/who.html
White, C (2002) Re/defining Gender and Sex: Educating for Trans, Transsexual, and Intersex Access and Inclusion to Sexual Assault Centres and Transition Houses. Master’s thesis, UBC, Vancouver, BC. Online at http://www.transalliancesociety.org/education/documents/03cwhitethesis.pdf
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